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In popular management literature corporations are sometimes loosely compared to cults. The comparison is a severe allegation as it implies the transgression of subordinate employees' integrity. This paper explores to what extent such comparisons with cults are warranted as well as the implications this has for the practice of corporate culture management. On grounds of the author's unique, first-hand experience in both corporate and cultic environments a retrospective autoethnographic (RAE) approach was chosen to further explore the supposed resemblance. The comparison is structured along Lifton's eight criteria of thought reform and reveals that although akin to cults in all aspects corporations also fundamentally differ due to the infeasibility, at least for now, of controlling the corporate environment in totalist fashion. This might explain why so many attempts to change corporate cultures fail as these initiatives are based on the anachronistic idea that culture change can be "implemented" by somehow "inculcating" employees with "company values." A sanitized form of brainwashing that fails in the corporate environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The story of Hungary can also serve as a warning for other nation-states on the European continent, as the years from 1989 to 1991 were a time of liberation for all the people of Eastern Europe who suffered from totalitarian political systems and ideological indoctrination. As the Bible teaches and Hannah Arendt warns, liberation is not yet liberty. The institutions of liberty have to be constituted, and people need to learn how to make them work while breathing spirit into them. Tyrannies always collapse, but whether Hungarians can escape with enough means for a new start remains to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the rise of various fringe movements in recent years, from anti-vaxxers to QAnon, there has been increased public and scholarly attention to misinformation and conspiracy theories and the online communities that produce them. However, efforts at understanding the radicalisation process largely focus on those who go on to commit violent crimes. This article draws on three waves of research exploring the experiences of individuals currently or formerly involved in fringe communities, including the different stages of investment they progressed through, and ultimately, what made people leave. We propose a pathway model for understanding contemporary online radicalisation, including potential interventions that could be safely made at each stage. Insight into the experience of being immersed in these communities is essential for engaging with these people empathetically, and therefore preventing both the emergence of violent terrorists and protecting vulnerable people from being drawn into these communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that North Korea uses political propaganda to elicit popular support, and this article focuses on how primary and secondary schools play an essential role in conveying the regime's messages. The article asks how this process shapes North Koreans' perceptions towards citizenship and how their perceptions of 'democracy' differ from those in other parts of the world. School education, I argue, socialises North Koreans and shapes their everyday political attitudes and citizenship perceptions. This study examines 32 North Korean Socialist Moral textbooks and identifies four core regime messages embedded in these texts: Personality Cult education in relation to the Kims, promoting socialism, fostering nationalism, and cultivating communitarianism and collectivism. I propose that these regime messages positively and negatively affect perceptions of democratic citizenship. Messages that promote communitarianism can encourage North Koreans to engage in democratic politics, but messages about political leadership, nationalism, and collectivism can hamper North Koreans' understanding of democracy and their capacity to develop democratic norms. This study has implications for research into how North Korean defectors are integrated into democratic South Korea, suggesting that these defectors' longstanding exposure to authoritarian education in North Korea will necessarily influence how they conceive of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Children, Religion and the Ethics of Influence , John Tillson argues that initiating children into religion is morally wrong. His argument overlaps and intersects at various points with my own argument against confessional religious education in schools. In this brief reply I consider two notable differences between our arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Children, Religion and the Ethics of Influence , John Tillson sets out a clear and convincing case for the view that children ought not to be initiated into religious faith by their parents or others with the relevant 'extra-parental responsibilities'. However, by predicating his thesis on an understanding of illegitimate religious influence that largely equates initiation into faith with the inculcation of a distinctive type of propositional content, I contend that Tillson misses some of the potential harms such initiation may engender. Here I briefly explain why this is a problem before suggesting three ways he might respond to the criticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rise of authoritarian politics across the globe, echoes of a fascist past are with us once again signaling a looming and dangerous threat to education and democracy. This essay argues that is it crucial to engage fascism both as a language of white supremacy and a politics of disconnection. If fascism is to be addressed both politically and educationally, it is crucial to address its underlying political, educational, and economic elements comprehensively as part of a broad politics. Any viable mode of resistance to fascism in its upgraded forms must not only make education central to politics but also analyze the problems it produces and its root causes in their interconnections and as part of a wider totality of power and exclusion. Fascism is normalized in a capitalist order when its diverse economic, political and social problems appear fragmented, disconnected, and are treated in isolation. This essay argues against this form of normalization and critiques the relationship between fascism and capitalism and its politics of diversion by examining how a number of crucial issues are often wrongly dealt with in isolation. It concludes by demonstrating how a politics that is comprehensive and interrelated provides a language to rethink how fascism can be made visible and resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Several decades after the abolishment of the formal slave trade, the administrative colonisation of Africa by Europe, and the adoption of progressive international human rights laws for equality, there is no doubt that pro-social justice education is facing a massive backlash from the far right globally. As critical diversity studies teaching and learning practitioners and facilitators, we address how the normative order seeks to legitimise anti-social justice discourses using invalidated assumptions, including the myth that critical theoretical education employs indoctrination. We show how our work is about making visible the baseless and groundless nature of arguments made by the far right in their dismissal of critical theory (CT). Using experiences from teaching and learning in the Theories of Diversity, Otherness & Difference postgraduate course at the Wits Centre for Diversity Studies (WiCDS), we show how CT is a pivotal pedagogical banister for the 21st century. A banister is a support structure along the rails of a staircase. CT in critical diversity studies (CDS) incorporates anti-foundational thinking, which assumes no fixed theoretical resting place as this simplifies the complexity of diversity issues. Overall, this article concludes that far from being a form of ‘indoctrination’, as is argued by the far right, CT is a useful pedagogical banister for our existence in the 21st century.

This paper explores how Hernando de Talavera (1428–1507), the first bishop of Granada, used the cast sculptures of the Virgin commissioned by Queen Isabella the Castile (1451–1504), for the parishes of the Albayzín, the Morisco quarter, as an essential tool for his missionary activity among Granada’s native Islamic population. It enquires how Talavera granted these Marian cast sculptures a central role in the Albayzin’s liturgical celebration, mediating their interpretation by devotional texts, such as his Marian liturgical works or his translation and commentary of the Vita Christi of the Franciscan Francesc Eiximenis (1327–1409), through which he wished to present these images as representations of an ‘Islamicate’ vision of Mary, as an enlightened prophetess who would function as the ideal preacher to instruct the newly converted Morisco population in the principles of their new faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This paper examines teachers’ understandings of affective indoctrination in a conflict-affected society, focusing on how teachers’ political orientations are entangled with these understandings. The exploration is conducted through a qualitative study of Greek-Cypriot primary and secondary school teachers who are identified as either conservative or progressive. The findings highlight that regardless of political orientation, teachers interpret the term indoctrination through a negative lens. However, teachers of progressive orientation view affective indoctrination as a part of everyday educational practices, whereas teachers of conservative orientation understand affective indoctrination as an exceptional case. The paper discusses the implications for teaching and teacher education. The relevance of teachers’ political orientation makes it all the more necessary that teachers and teacher educators delve deeper into the political and pedagogical implications of the entanglement between political orientations and understandings of affective indoctrination in schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Salzburg Symposium I deals with the question of whether arguing with each other is an indispensable practice of education. The author notes that people have always argued with each other, but it was only in the pedagogical modern era that arguing in education began to be explicitly addressed. In the past, obedience was considered important, so arguing did not play a role in education. It was only with Jean-Jacques Rousseau that arguing was seen as a legitimate practice of education. The author examines various examples from Rousseau's work "Emile or On Education" in which arguing is portrayed as an educational practice. The text is about the importance of arguing in religious education and upbringing. The author argues that arguing should not only take place between different religions, but also between religion, ethics, politics, philosophy, and science. He emphasizes the necessity for children and young people to develop the ability to argue with believers as atheists and with atheists as believers. The text also refers to the pedagogical approaches of Rousseau and Herbart, who emphasized arguing as part of education and promoted the development of independent and ethically-moral judgment. The text deals with the considerations of Herbart and Schleiermacher regarding the importance of arguing in education. Herbart distinguishes various systems such as the justice system, the administrative system, and the cultural system. He emphasizes the importance of arguing in education, but without allowing criticism of the existing social order. Schleiermacher goes a step further and emphasizes the necessity of public arguing to enable changes in society. He also emphasizes the importance of moral disapproval and cooperation in problem-solving. Wilhelm von Humboldt also emphasizes the importance of arguing in civil society. The text discusses the conflict between civil society and the absolutist state. This conflict is not yet resolved in democratic and republican constitutions and must be continued. Civil society is a social space in which people argue about the common good and form opinions. The political in this space is not identical to state politics. Humboldt demands that the constitution of the state be examined in the education of people in order to achieve true improvements. It is emphasized that certain tasks and responsibilities cannot be organized purely in civil society, as this could lead to civil war and terrorism. The Beutelsbach Consensus emphasizes controversy and the prohibition of indoctrination in political education and has been extended to other areas of education. However, it is pointed out that arguing in education must be guided by criteria in order to avoid falling into an indifferent practice of arguing. The text argues that arguing should not be excluded from public education and upbringing. It is emphasized that reasonable differences of opinion should be controversially discussed in education, even if they are not enshrined in a country's constitution. The authors argue that the interpretation and further development of the constitution should not only be left to politics, but must also be discussed in civil society. It is emphasized that arguing in education should not only be a technique, but must be coordinated with other pedagogical forms of action. The authors argue that arguing in education contributes to self-government, broadening horizons, and consultation on the good. The text deals with the importance of arguing in education and advocates for it. [Extracted from the article]

Many scholars note that since the early 1990s, the CCP has been invoking Chinese nationalism to rescue the party's declining ideological legitimacy. Probing China's political indoctrination (thought work), this article makes two contributions to such conventional consensus. First, empirically it argues that the rise of nationalism in the 1990s was not altogether new. Instead, from the early 1980s, the CCP had been switching to "patriotism." Second, this article argues that the communist regime's transition to nationalism was hesitant. It was an interactive process whereby multiple layers of the society and elite, confused alike, worked together to explore whether and how to embrace nationalism. The nation‐building also bore the imprint of the revolutionary and state‐socialist past. This article suggests that though the nation‐state has become the dominant political format of the world, as a pattern it fuses with a society's traditions, preconditions, and internal struggles. Such fusions made nation‐building in the non‐Western world unseparated from quasi‐national legacies such as revolution and socialism and could yield consequences other than capitalism and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a nine-city cell phone survey in 2019, this paper systematically examines which groups showed stronger support for armed unification with Taiwan and what factors and mechanisms might contribute to their support. The bivariate analysis shows the politically, economically, and socially privileged groups and those with stronger national pride and more understanding of Taiwan were more pro-armed unification, while residents of the two coastal cities, Xiamen and Guangzhou, were less supportive. Further analysis indicates education and unfavorable view of the Taiwanese government were the two most powerful factors contributing to the support. Possible contributing mechanisms might include both top-down mechanisms, such as political indoctrination and propaganda, and bottom-up ones, such as the respondents' interest and identity considerations influenced by their city's proximity to Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the scientific consensus, climate change continues to be socially and politically controversial. Consequently, teachers may worry about accusations of political indoctrination if they teach climate change in their classrooms. Research shows that many teachers are using the 'teaching the controversy' approach to teach climate change, essentially allowing students to make up their own mind about climate change. Drawing on some philosophical literature about indoctrination and controversial issues, we argue that such an approach is inappropriate and, given the escalating crisis that is climate change, potentially dangerous. Instead, we propose integrating three well-established educational practices, Philosophy for Children, place-responsive pedagogies, and Critical Indigenous Pedagogy, to help teachers and students critically examine climate change controversy while still meeting the key goals of climate change education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we take as our starting point Greta Thunberg's message to an audience of adults at a recent climate change summit: 'This is all wrong. I shouldn't be up here. I should be back in school on the other side of the ocean. Yet you all come to us young people for hope. How dare you!' We take Thunberg at her word and endeavour to investigate what is wrong and how it might be wrong. Through this investigation we consider how education may be implicated in the problem to which Thunberg alludes: a problem about both climate change and intergenerational change. We draw upon Hannah Arendt's seminal work, 'A Crisis in Education', to consider how an ecological crisis coincides with an educational crisis symptomatic of an inversion of the traditional adult and child relationship in which education serves to introduce the young to the world – a public world, which is distinct from the ecological world. Arendt's position on education, we argue, reveals concerns that movements like School Strike for Climate expose young people prematurely to the risks of indoctrination that attend adult, public life, and hinders their renewal of the world. Science too may add to these risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tejuelo: Didáctica de Lengua y Literatura is the property of Tejuelo. Didactica de la Lengua y la Literatura. Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

doTERRA and Young Living are multi-level marketing (MLM) companies sustained by distribution networks of women who sell their trademark essential oil products. We argue that women join essential oil MLMs based on an iterative, three-pronged strategy that not only recruits women as oil distributors but also simultaneously indoctrinates them to pastel QAnon conspiracy spaces: digitally driven, feminized realms situated at the nexus of New Age spirituality, wellness, and far-right ideologies. MLM distributors first compel women to look toward essential oils as a viable medical intervention by leveraging potential recruits' distrust with medical establishments and hardship produced by intersecting structural inequalities (classism, racism, ableism, sexism). Women are then hooked in by promises of essential oils offering silver-bullet solutions to complex problems stemming from inequitable social systems. Finally, women get downlined into pastel QAnon disinformation flows through algorithmic production of confirmation bias. By coding qualitative data of MLM distributors and pastel QAnon influencers for digital content analysis, we identify socio-cultural and gendered trends of disinformation production at the intersections of wellness, pastel QAnon, and structural inequalities. These findings provide insights into the seductive appeal of disinformation beyond the textual content of the message and contribute to our understanding of the larger political economy of incentives and rewards that perpetuate disinformation-for-hire communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Research has shown that excessive sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) consumption has been associated with being overweight and obese and the military is not immune to this disorder. Being overweight/obese is one of the characteristics that comprise a condition known as Metabolic Syndrome (MetS). The global prevalence of MetS in the military population is estimated to be 21%, which varies depending upon the armed forces type and specialty. The purpose of this study is to identify the subset of the aviation population that may develop MetS at some future point and to put forth suggestions on how best to combat this and maintain operational readiness. METHODS: Data were collected by means of an anonymous 44-item survey administered and completed by 302 students enrolled in Aviation Preflight Indoctrination at the Naval Air Station Base in Pensacola, FL. RESULTS: Results indicated that 70.86% of students reported SSB consumption, with 95.3% preferring caffeinated to decaffeinated SSBs. 11.7% of personnel met the "at risk criteria" of consuming SSBs four times per week or greater (four 12-oz cans or more per week). DISCUSSION: Findings from this study indicate that approximately 11.7% of aviation pilots or flight officers are "at risk" of developing MetS. Given that it takes up to 4 yr to train a new fighter pilot, this could become a significant readiness issue on par with the impact seen with pilots leaving the services through natural attrition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nazi propaganda was so powerful and allowed so little room for deviation that its consequences remain incontestably palpable today: 'Germans who grew up under the Nazi regime are much more anti-Semitic than those born before or after that period: the share of committed anti-Semites, who answer a host of questions about attitudes toward Jews in an extreme fashion, is 2-3 times higher than in the population as a whole. Zagzebski's main argument against those employing the Nazi example is her belief that Nazis would change their beliefs if they reflected consciously on their admiration: 'Nazis could have figured out that there was something wrong with Hitler by comparing him with other persons they admired... A Nazi who is conscientious in my sense would reflect upon his admiration for Hitler, compare Hitler with other persons he admires, and compare his reaction to Hitler with the emotions of others he trusts' ([39], p. 48). Through it, the Nazi party was able to condition the population in Nazi Germany to admire certain non-virtuous agents (e.g. Hitler) and certain non-virtuous "ideals"(e.g. One could employ Koonz's ([18]) study to defend Zagzebski's ([39]) theory and argue that the Nazi indoctrination program allowed room for Nazis to admire some of the same people that we admire. [Extracted from the article]

Several decades after the abolishment of the formal slave trade, the administrative colonisation of Africa by Europe, and the adoption of progressive international human rights laws for equality, there is no doubt that pro-social justice education is facing a massive backlash from the far right globally. As critical diversity studies teaching and learning practitioners and facilitators, we address how the normative order seeks to legitimise anti-social justice discourses using invalidated assumptions, including the myth that critical theoretical education employs indoctrination. We show how our work is about making visible the baseless and groundless nature of arguments made by the far right in their dismissal of critical theory (CT). Using experiences from teaching and learning in the Theories of Diversity, Otherness & Difference postgraduate course at the Wits Centre for Diversity Studies (WiCDS), we show how CT is a pivotal pedagogical banister for the 21st century. A banister is a support structure along the rails of a staircase. CT in critical diversity studies (CDS) incorporates antifoundational thinking, which assumes no fixed theoretical resting place as this simplifies the complexity of diversity issues. Overall, this article concludes that far from being a form of 'indoctrination', as is argued by the far right, CT is a useful pedagogical banister for our existence in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Textbook is not as it being to read out but too instill values, ethics and standards of society specified within the educational modules. Essentially, the educational programs of Pakistani educational programs are largely constructed on the celebration of history which is instructed in several subjects like, Islamiat, Social Studies, Pakistan Studies, history and languages. Such textbooks are being utilized as an instrument to proliferate and propagate national heroes whereas speaking to stories of Pakistani national figures. These top class personalities (heroes) carry certain covered up and expecting philosophies and ideologies. The point of this investigation is to investigate the aiming and covering up the belief systems carried by Narratives of Pakistani National Heroes in English Language Textbooks at Higher Secondary level in Sindh, Pakistan endorsed by Sindh Textbook Board. Besides this, paper also examines the distinctive features such as identity, ideology, theme, author’s objectivity and construction of certain ideas which are hidden behind the representation of national heroes. They promote the ideologies of Islam, nationalism, fundamental division of the Muslims and Hindus, patriotism and anti-India that can make young learners nationalist, religious and militaristic. These themes and ideologies can cause exploitation and manipulation of religious, misrepresentation of reality, misinterpretation of different facts, strengthening of various practices and so on. For this research study, the qualitative method was applied. TA (textual analysis) was the method which is applied in such types of research works. We applied Foucault Social Constructive Model as a systematic model to explore the intended and unknown ideologies that have been propagated and promoted by the Pakistani national heroes.

Abstract With the rise of authoritarian politics across the globe, echoes of a fascist past are with us once again signaling a looming and dangerous threat to education and democracy. This essay argues that is it crucial to engage fascism both as a language of white supremacy and a politics of disconnection. If fascism is to be addressed both politically and educationally, it is crucial to address its underlying political, educational, and economic elements comprehensively as part of a broad politics. Any viable mode of resistance to fascism in its upgraded forms must not only make education central to politics but also analyze the problems it produces and its root causes in their interconnections and as part of a wider totality of power and exclusion. Fascism is normalized in a capitalist order when its diverse economic, political and social problems appear fragmented, disconnected, and are treated in isolation. This essay argues against this form of normalization and critiques the relationship between fascism and capitalism and its politics of diversion by examining how a number of crucial issues are often wrongly dealt with in isolation. It concludes by demonstrating how a politics that is comprehensive and interrelated provides a language to rethink how fascism can be made visible and resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author examines some arguments for and against formal moral education. Regarding the arguments in favour of formal moral education, this examination focuses on two arguments: the 'sociological argument' -or the argument about the social benefits of moral education-, and the 'naturalistic argument'. As for the arguments against formal moral education, the analysis also focuses on two arguments: the 'argument about indoctrination', as well as the 'argument about academic priorities'. These two arguments against formal moral education will finally be rebutted to conclude that today formal moral education has more powerful reasons to be defended and promoted than to be relegated or rejected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview of the education law from 1760 s to late 1930s and then well-structured analysis of the legal framework for elementary and upper elementary (main) schools from 1938 to 1945, which is characterized by a focus on extensive secondary legislation, which is frequently not even of the Czech origin. The paper intends to illustrate the transformation of the school system from the era of the interwar democratic state through a local variation of fascism into a Nazi-occupied territory where education was mainly intended to serve the indoctrination of children and youth. The author of the paper combines the available laws and regulations with other sources to provide a comprehensive overview of this part of the Czech education system, which has so far been rather neglected in the academic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues for the need of a new, pragmatic response to claims of indoctrination in public school classrooms across the United States. While attempts at defining indoctrination and moral arguments for and against certain pedagogical practices may be worthwhile, the article maintains that claims of indoctrination, whether substantive or not, are an impediment to effective teaching, especially for educators who are primarily interested in perspective transformation. Drawing on recent scholarship regarding epiphany and transformative education, an argument is presented that teaching for epiphanic experience may be a pragmatic solution for teachers to adopt to remain effective in the classroom amid ever-increasing political polarization and professional scrutiny. After establishing this point, the article turns to arts education as a possible source for understanding the pedagogical technique that may lead to the creation of a classroom ethos for epiphany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose—The article seeks to determine what prevented North Koreans’ collective resistance against their leadership in the late 1980s when many of their East European comrades revolted. Approach—North Korea, Romania, and Albania were historically and comparatively analyzed in terms of some totalitarian traits. Romania and Albania were selected because they eventually diverged from North Korea with the anti-regime uprisings of their populations. What most distinguishes the North Korean political system from these other regimes is the sheer longevity of its existence, and one aspect of totalitarian regimes, isolation, more than physical control and indoctrination, seems to be the major cause of this divergence. However, the three elements reinforce one another. Findings—The ruling regimes of Romania and Albania, though unusually repressive by East European standards, were ultimately unsuccessful in isolating their populations from outside contact, whereas in North Korea, ordinary citizens have hardly been able to realize that their socioeconomic problems are a result of the policies of the country’s top leadership. Practical Implications—Organized dissent was unthinkable in North Korea for multiple reasons, and the people’s drive for revolution may begin to awaken if the thick blanket of isolation is lifted by the outside world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this work, we consider the dynamics of opinion among three parties: two small groups of agents and one very persuasive agent, the indoctrinator. Each party holds a position different from that of the others. In this situation, the opinion space is required to be a circle, on which the agents express their position regarding three different options. Initially, each group supports a unique position, and the indoctrinator tries to convince them to adopt her or his position. The interaction between the agents is in pairs and is modeled through a system of non-linear difference equations. Agents, in both groups, give a high weight to the opinion of the indoctrinator, while they give the same weight to the opinion of their peers. Through several computational experiments, we investigate the times required by the indoctrinator to convince both groups.

Objectives: In the 1920s, so‐called prophylactoria were established in the USSR. In these institutions, sex workers with sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) were treated. After the end of World War II, care homes for patients with STDs were established in the Soviet Occupation Zone of Germany (SOZ). These institutions were also intended to treat people suffering from STDs. This article compares these two types of medical institutions. Methods: Sources from the State Archive of the Russian Federation in Moscow, the German Federal Archives in Berlin and the City Archive Zwickau were used. The analysed sources were evaluated by using the historical‐critical method. Results: The prophylactoria were novel institutions that combined education and medical treatment of people with STDs. Similar strategies were followed in the care homes for STD patients. In both institutions, the sick persons had to follow a regular daily routine and work every day. The political indoctrination served to educate 'socialist personalities'. Nevertheless, various differences can be found between the facilities: the length of stay was different. The women in Soviet prophylactoria were cared for there for up to 2 years. However, the standard duration of stay in the care homes for STD patients was 3–6 months. Conclusions: The prophylactoria had a long‐term programme not only to treat sick women but also to reeducate them. The aim was to enlighten and integrate them into the new Soviet society. The care homes for STD patients had a short‐term programme of combating venereal diseases. Their main goal was to treat patients with STDs as quickly as possible, while education was an additional measure. Whether both institutions were successful in educating and treating these patients can hardly be assessed from today's perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent quincentennial of the Mexica forces' defeat at the hands of a Spanish-led coalition invites us to reflect on the changes in the region's acoustic ecology, the layers of sound that reverberated across geographic spaces. Expressions of sound allow us to consider the actions of past actors in relation to their physical surroundings, the stimulation of the senses, and patterns of religious conversion that guided social behavior. Vocal sounds produced by people of various ethnic and racial backgrounds formed part of this aural environment, and they carried meaning that has often escaped the attention of scholars. An analysis of routines of indoctrination centered on vocal modulations reveals that authorities hierarchized different forms of sounds, from singing and praying—which they encouraged—to screams and muffled noises such as murmur and chatter—which they attempted to silence. These routines took shape during daily masses, theater presentations, civic and religious rituals, confession, and, in some cases, formal training. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of indoctrination is typically used to characterize the actions of individual educators. However, it has become increasingly common for citizens to raise concerns about the indoctrinatory effects of institutions such as schools and universities. Are such worries fundamentally misconceived, or might some state of affairs obtain under which it can be rightly said that an educational institution is engaged in indoctrination? In this paper Christopher Martin outlines what the concept of institutional indoctrination could mean. He then uses Jürgen Habermas's discourse theory in order to develop a specific conception of institutional indoctrination: an educational institution indoctrinates when it exercises its authority in order to support the deliberative norm that some belief P ought to be exempt from tests of or challenges to its truth or rightness just because it is belief P. Martin argues that this norm undermines conditions of symmetrical and inclusive public discourse essential to the development of knowledge and understanding among free and equal citizens. That is, institutional indoctrination involves a closing of the public mind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic development fails to greatly increase demand for liberal democracy in China. Is China an exception to modernization theory? If so, why? This paper studies these questions by analysing five waves of Asian Barometer Survey data from 2002 to 2019. We have three major findings. First, the shift of political values exhibits an inverted U-shaped curve with the mid-2010s as its turning point. Second, the better educated and more media exposed turned conservative much faster than the rest after the mid-2010s. Third, to trace the mechanism of this unusual reversal and divergence, we resort to a Difference-In-Differences model, taking political indoctrination, measured by media exposure and education, as treatment and the post-2013 era as treatment time, finding that political indoctrination significantly explains political cultural backsliding. Our findings enrich modernization theory by identifying the "interceptive" power of the state between economic development and cultural shifts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Faculty of Educational Sciences is the property of Ankara University, Faculty of Educational Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Considerable academic debate exists as to whether students with a background in economics exhibit distinct behavioural patterns that set them apart from students in other academic disciplines. Primarily, the debate concerns whether students who fit the stereotype of the economist choose to study economics (the self-selection hypothesis) or whether economics students develop these behavioural patterns in the course of their university studies (the indoctrination hypothesis). We conducted a systematic literature review that examines both hypotheses. According to the literature reviewed, the majority of researchers find the self-selection hypothesis to be the best supported. However, findings remain inconclusive due to several methodological limitations. In spite of that, this study should facilitate a deeper understanding of what causes behavioural changes in economics students and what exactly these behavioural differences are, among other relevant hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]